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You are the salt, you are the thing that's unique on this planet but when you lose the thing that makes you unique, you a melanated person if you bleach your skin you got a wide beautiful nose and beautiful lips and woolly hair and brown and mocha and cappuccino and armoretta and ebony and mahogany and eggplant and charcoal colored skin. When you change that, you lose the thing that makes you unique.
I feel inspired Unplugged from the wire Brought back to the fire A desire to be one with divine not a L Cause my people living lower trying to be shoulder shoulder with the way they say to pray or it's best to work this way or to wait for Santa Slate Are you Christian?
[00:01:07] Speaker B: Are you gay?
[00:01:07] Speaker A: So many questions come our way about this spell where we dwell we already so what? Just unplug from the script that takes us on a trip to lower frequencies that try to make me see the unreality but that don't work for me and it don't work for you so how about a new authentic point of view the chosen of the few redeemed and renewed Tired and ab we all been refused but we don't have to lose cause we can all choose to unplug.
Welcome to Unplugged here on 96.9 Guardian Radio Fresh news Smart talk all day. I am your host, Kahun Anku. Sarah. We're gonna begin the show by invoking the Most High. And so I want to just.
I have a quick prayer before we begin today's show.
Breathe into us, O holy soul, that all our thoughts may be holy. Enter into us, O holy soul, that our works may also be holy. Attract divine purpose into the desires of our hearts, O holy soul, that we may love only that which is sacred and purposeful. Grant us strength, O holy soul, that we may both help establish and defend all sacred places and sacred spaces. Protect us, O holy soul, that we may always be of those that are and upright. It's time to unplug. Today's show is a show that I think.
I think it's going to make you want to know more than you already know.
We are living in the Bahamas and we have our issues and those issues stem from a lot of different things.
We're not going to touch on Every single thing in this particular show.
But today I wanted to touch on colonial nostalgia.
Colonial nostalgia.
When the numbers or the telephone lines open today, the numbers will be 323-6232-325431-63254, 4259 in the family of islands, 2423-00-5720.
The Guardian Radio Tax Line is powered by BTC and that's open now at 422-4796.
It's 422-24-796. We're streaming live on guardiantalkradio.com and we are also on Cable Bahamas Channel 969 or BTC Flow Channel 6122. Colonial Nostalgia. I'll tell you where this conversation came from in just a second, but let's just dive into what it is defined as in the Caribbean.
It is a documented psychological and political phenomena.
It typically surfaces during times of intense economic hardship, high crime rates or political corruption.
While some citizens look back on the colonial era through a romanticized lens, historians and regional leaders consistently contrast these sentiments with stark historical and structural realities.
We want to talk about those historical and structural realities as it relates to this colonial nostalgia. We want to ask some questions today.
Right? And we're going to touch some scripture as well today because I want you to understand that prophecy is the science of consequences. My grandmother would always say, as her father would tell her, in life there are no rewards or punishments. You simply suffer or enjoy the consequences of your actions.
And something happened to us.
We've been given a very spooky understanding of what prophecy is.
And because of it, we keep repeating a lot of things as a people. We keep repeating a lot of mistakes and we trying to find out why after 53 years, we haven't truly become a sovereign nation.
We haven't fixed a lot of things that some would say was fixed in the past. Because some would say the economy was stronger and the currency was stable.
Some would say there was better law, order and safety. Some would say the infrastructure and the institutions worked perfectly. This is under colonial rule, right? Some would say life was simpler. Some would say life was safer and more community driven.
These are some of the things that we want to discuss today. The Bahamian dollar and the economy, were they more stable and secure? Was Nassau safer and strictly managed?
Were public utilities and infrastructure, did they work better under colonial rule? The education and the civil systems, were they elite?
We're going to touch on these things and it's important that we ask these questions because we are repeating something that I want to just pause and just, just, just look at, in, in scripture before I dive fully into this conversation.
You see, in the book of Exodus, we're going to jump into Exodus, we're going to jump into Numbers. But I want to start in Exodus, chapter 14, verse 12, because we've been given this story. We will touch on this story in a more comprehensive way on another show. Right?
But we told that there are these children of Israel and they, they've escaped, they've been set free from these Egyptians.
And I got to say this, you know, we are looking at scripture from colonial perspective. It causes our minds to want to remain colonized, okay?
Because.
And I'm not going to touch this so much today, but this idea of these Egyptians, they were Greeks, Africans, we've never called ourselves Egyptians.
The Aegyptos. That's a Greek word. So these people were running from Hyksos, okay? They were running from a group of people who had come into the land and had pretended to be the indigenous people.
But over time, over 430 years, they now are leaving this land and they're in the wilderness. And, and this is very similar to what has happened in this country because in 19th, July 10th, 1973, we, as the Bahamas, we gained our independence.
Right.
Before we gained our independence, of course, we gained majority rule. 1967, January 10th, before we gained majority rule, we had emancipation.
Yes.
And so there's been progressions, some would say, to our liberation, if you will.
And this happened in the book of Exodus, which originally in the African Tuare or this book of Shemut, the Tuare, which should be for those first five books, right? The book of Exodus, the African book of Exodus is called Shimot.
And it's really talking about the numbers of people, not so much in Exodus. We'll get into that.
But this Exodus, chapter 14. Let's start at verse one because we want to talk about what we see here in this Exodus chapter 14 happening today in our Bahamas.
So they say Pharaoh is in pursuit. We never had pharaohs in Africa.
We didn't have Pharaohs. We had a Pharaoh, okay? The invaders brought pharaohs, the invaders brought kings. In Exodus, chapter one, verse eight, they talk about a king who did, who never knew Joseph.
Right?
And so, and the Lord spake unto Moses, saying, this is Exodus, chapter 14, verse 1. This is the King James version. It says, speak unto the children of Israel that they turn and encamp before Pihiroth, between Migdol and the sea, over against Balzephon. Before it shall, before it shall ye Encamp by the sea.
For Pharaoh will say of the children of Israel, they are entangled in the land. The wilderness hath shut them in. And I will harden Pharaoh's heart that he shall follow after them.
And I will. And I will be honored upon Pharaoh and upon all his host, that the Egyptians may know that I am the Lord.
And they did so. So some questions that people ask is, why would God. Why would God actually harden Pharaoh's heart? Right, we ain't getting into the full details. We want to get to verse 12. Right.
It continues on right where these Israelites are being chased by Pharaoh.
And verse five says, and it was told the king of Egypt that the people fled, and the heart of Pharaoh and his servants was turned against the people. And they said, why have we done. Why have we done this that we have let Israel go from serving us? And he made ready his chariot and took his people with him. And he took 600 chosen chariots and all the chariots of Egypt and captains of over every one of them. In verse 8 says of Exodus 14, and the Lord hardened the heart of Pharaoh, king of Egypt, and he pursued after the children of Israel, and the children of Israel went out with a high hand.
Verse 9 says of Exodus 14, but the Egyptians pursued after them and all the horses and chariots of Pharaoh and his horsemen and his army, and overtook them, encamping by the sea beside Beharoth before BAAL Zevon.
And when Pharaoh drew nigh, the children of Israel lifted up their eyes, and behold, the Egyptians marched after them, and they were sore afraid. And the children of Israel cried out unto the Lord, and they said unto Moses, behold, braves in Egypt Hast thou taken us away to die in the wilderness? This is getting to the crux of this matter of colonial nostalgia. Wherefore hast thou dealt thus with us to carry us forth out of Egypt? Is not verse 12 so the word that we did tell thee in Egypt saying, let us alone that we may serve the Egyptians, for it had been better for us to serve the Egyptians than that we should die in the wilderness.
We are in the wilderness here in the Bahamas. 53 years we've been in the wilderness.
What have we learned in the wilderness?
Have we taken on the responsibilities that comes with emancipation?
Or have we just kind of rested on our laurels and kind of hoped that things would fall into place?
Well, I know that wasn't the mindset during my grandfather's time for sure, because he wrote in his book Let the Church Roll on, which will be printed very soon.
This is going to the printers in the next week or two, let the church roll on and be back in print. But he has a chapter on emancipation, and at the end of the prelude to the chapter, he says something that I think is very important, very germane to this conversation. He said, we have jostled our way into political power. The fight is now on for economic power.
Without emancipation, the fight would not have been possible.
It was a good fight. It is a vital fight. It is a glorious fight.
We will come to celebrate emancipation more and more in the future because it gave us the great chance of our lives, the chance to fight.
That is what emancipation was about. It wasn't about us saying, oh, we independent, we sovereign. Nah, we. We gained. As he said, we jostled our way into political power.
The fight is now for economic power, because every time we need money, we gotta go borrow. We don't have a economy that allows for us as Bahamians to make the kind of money that would make the cost of living not as burdensome as it is.
And so we understand that the King of England is coming here.
We're going to do more shows on this. But this particular conversation that we're having today kind of spawned out of a conversation that was on Facebook regarding
[00:15:18] Speaker C: the
[00:15:18] Speaker A: state of the country.
And of course, My dear sister, Dr. Niambi is saying, as a part of the reparations committee, that, hey, you better come here, you know, don't come here with your hand swinging, you understand?
And there were people who are, and there's still people responding to what was said by the reparations committee. And we're going to do a show with Dr. Niambi in short order. So I don't want to prelude or preempt what it is that we're going to talk about, but I think it's important to kind of set the table with the conversation that is being had on Facebook because there was a particular person who responded to what the national or the reparations committee said regarding the king not coming here with his hand swinging.
And that particular person basically said that the condition of this country is no fault of Britain or any European country.
That the condition of this country is totally based on the leadership that we have had from 1973 to now, and that everything that we are going through is our fault.
To which I responded, consider a few. And I paraphrase what the gentleman said, right? And I don't have no issue with this brother. I'm not calling his name because it's really not about him. It's just about the mindset that many people have.
So I responded, I said, consider a few things before you come on this thread talking down to Bahamians. Because see, when you suffer from colonial nostalgia, you feel as if things got worse after independence, as if the oppressors, as if the people who had you as property were treating you better than your own. I'm not about to be imperfect, but I just want you to know that we are little Englishmen, that we never truly gained our own mentality.
We never picked up our religion. We never picked up our economics. We never picked up our labor. We never picked up our sex, gender. We never picked up our education. We never picked up our law. We never picked up our war security. We never picked up our entertainment or our own politics. We simply picked up the tools.
When King Charles comes here, he would have been here as a prince and he would have handed over the tools. Hey, use these to run your country.
Using their tools.
And we love to use their tools. We love to wear their wigs in our courts.
We love to gain acceptance into Cambridge by way of our BGCSE and our bjcs and our glat and everything that we model after them. We love it.
I say consider a few things before you come on this rail talking down to Bahamians.
Number one, at independence, the government of the Bahamas had to construct a modern sovereign state from scratch.
We were left in a dependent state.
The very people who enslaved us, they receive reparations.
That's why the conversation about reparations is being had, because it already started.
Number two, this is after British private enter enterprises, shipping magnets, distilleries and textile giants extracted tens of billions of pounds worth billions in today's cash over 325 years by leveraging the strategic location, tax loopholes and labor of the Bahamas. My Lord, in 53 years you want us to do 325 years of damage?
Number three, after 325 years of riding us, they the British Parliament passed the Slavery Abolition act and took out a massive 20 million pound loan to compensate slave owners for the loss of their property.
Here the King coming back to visit people who used to be his property.
The fourth thing I pointed out was that the compensation to slave owners, as I just said, in the Bahamas, in the Bahamas was more than what we received at independence. A total of £126,848 and 70 pence, roughly 342 million pounds today was distributed among 1057 awardees for the legal ownership of 10,087 enslaved people.
1057 people split up £126,848 because they were being rewarded for losing property. 10,087 enslaved people. So what did this do?
This cash injection safely insulated the white mercantile class from financial ruin, giving them the capital needed to maintain structural economic supremacy. The capital saved from the slavery era, combined with the windfalls from the U.S. civil War, blockade running and Prohibition rum running, consolidated power into the hands of the Bay Street Boys. Now, in this book that My grandfather wrote, Dr. Cleveland W. Eneas Senior is his name for those who may not know.
Yes, I'm Dr. Cleveland W. Innis III.
And much respect to Dr. Cleveland W. Innis Jr.
My ACE ACE buddy. Resting, resting in peace. Rising in power.
While the political reign of the Bay Street Boys effectively ended in 1967, paving the direct path to independence, in 1973, their family quietly retreated to private commerce, remaining highly successful and retaining substantial economic footprints in the country's private sectors. So this is what we've been fighting for over 53 years, and it has a direct link to the British.
Now, this is exactly what was taking place in Exodus, chapter 14.
But I want to read it from the African book of Shimot, because the question of, was it not better for us to serve Egypt when the familiar slave system begins looking safer than uncertain? Freedom restored.
Interpretive rendering.
We begin all things by way of the name of the most, Thy heavenly One, and Nehrei, who is the Creator, the generous one, and Nehre is the great I am of Exodus, chapter 3, verses 14 and 15.
So in Shemut, the 14th scroll, the first sign, or some would say verse, it says, did we not tell you, while we that are of Ishmael, Israel and Midiani, see, what. What has happened in our colonial interpretation of Scripture that we have fallen so in love with it is that we have been stripped. Our identity has been stripped. They only focus on Israel because why?
Because you had a group of Hellenists that the Messiah was battling against. And if you read Matthew 24, you'll see how we tell them off.
But the Pharisees, the Sadducees, the scribes, the Sanhedrin, these were Hellenistic Jews. These were those who were saying that they were Jews, but were the synagogues of Satan according to Revelation 2, 9 and 3, 9.
And so as we unplug from that narrative and begin to understand, okay, what was really happening from our perspective as Ishmael, the son of Abraham and Hagar and Israel, the son that ultimately gave way to Israel, of course he had. He had. He had Isaac. And then later on comes Israel and then of course he has a third one. And he had more than these sons. And that's a whole nother show. I know 52 talks about that. He had Miriani.
And they were still being subjected by the aygyptos Egyptians to leave us alone so that we might continue serving the Ay gyptos Egyptians. This was the question that was being asked.
And this unfortunately, deep in the recesses of our colonial minds, we don't want to stand up and actually have economic freedom. We just want to run around here and be little Englishmen.
I'm gonna come back here and touch more into the Book of Shimot here on unplugged on 96.9 Guardian radio. I am your host, Calhoun Ankusara. Back after this.
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[00:28:21] Speaker A: This is Guardian Radio 96.9 FM Fresh News Smart talk all day.
And we're back here on Unplugged, here on 96.9, Guardian Radio Fresh News smart talk all day. Just about 34 minutes after the five o' clock hour.
Pray you're staying safe on the streets and thank you for tuning in. Today we're talking about colonial nostalgia, this idea of just wanting to be enslaved again.
Many of us may not think of it in that way, but I'm saying it this way because this is something that happened scripturally and ultimately we continue living what we call the science of consequences that people call prophecy. It's a cyclical reality, and if we don't recognize it, we'll just continue repeating the same narrative over and over. So these children of Ishmael, Israel and Midiani, they were out of the hands of the Aegyptos Egyptians.
And so they now, in verse two of the Book of Shimot, or the African book of Exodus, the 14th chapter, verse 12, it says, for fear now tells us that service beneath the old system would have been preferable during the wilderness.
And maybe this is why we are so hesitant to really, really stand up as a nation and do for ourselves, because it's so comfortable relying on systems that you've relied on for so long. The people, verse three, from amongst Ishmael, Israel and Midiani, who had been enslaved, subjugated and miseducated, have reached a psychological breaking point at this time. They're afraid.
They see Pharaoh and the army coming and now they're afraid. They are not simply afraid of the people of Pharaoh, Ptolemy, the First Soter's army.
They are beginning to reinterpret slavery as security during the fear of death.
Without realizing, the chains have become familiar and the actual freedom infused with responsibility which the wilderness offers has become uncertain.
So one thing about freedom is that it comes with responsibility.
If all you want to do is sit down and wait for your very oppressors to rebuild your curriculum, to rebuild your government, to rebuild your scriptures, rebuild your understanding of who the most high is, that's never going to happen.
That's never going to happen.
You understand?
We will continue to suffer and we'll continue to be in the predicament whereby we as a people will unfortunately repeat these patterns and create the environment that is going to what, cause our children to truly suffer.
So let's look at some of the questions that I threw out earlier because I want to be fair to the conversation based on the fact that
[00:31:54] Speaker C: we
[00:31:55] Speaker A: as a people, we have these questions, but I don't think we really truly understand what we are up against. Let me explain. When we talk about the nine people, the nine areas of people activity, we talked about Neely Fuller Jr. One of our great ancestors, transitioned about a year or so, February 1st, I think it was 2025.
Right. But he talks about these nine areas of people activity. And I want us to just look at these nine and be honest with ourselves. Because if we're not dictating the narrative in each of these areas of people activity, then unfortunately we are still enslaved and we are comfortable with it and we're nostalgic about it.
You understand? There will be people who are dressing up and they're going to be drinking tea and they're going to have little British pork and everything like that. And I don't hate the British people. I just know we ain't British.
So let's look at religion. The Bahamas remains a deeply religious society where British liturgical traditions still command immense respect.
Mainline British colonial churches, specifically the Anglican Church of England and the Methodist churches, hold significant social status.
State events, national funerals, and the annual opening of the Supreme Court are traditionally marked by high church Anglicans services filled with British pageantry.
The moral and the social influence of this is that the hierarchy of these traditional churches is deeply embedded in public life.
Their leadership often guides national conversations on morality, mirroring the historic role of the Church of England in state of the state affairs. It's the same Church of England that was okay with you being a slave.
That was okay with you being property.
When you're mad at me, it's just history. A talking look at the legal system.
The legal system is perhaps the most visible stronghold of British heritage. Fiercely guarded by many in the legal profession. Fiercely guarded. I gotta have my little wig on and I gotta have my little uniform on. Yes. I'm making fun of you. Yeah. Many of you are my friends and family, some of you.
But you all love this stuff.
You fiercely guard it.
Fiercely guarded by many in the legal profession and the wider public.
We even go so far to have the Privy Council. The Judicial committee of the Privy Council in London remains the final court of appeal for the Bahamas.
A people who want to say that they're sovereign. Many Bahamians strongly resist. And I know why it is. And we're going to talk about why too many Bahamians strongly resist placing it with the regional Caribbean Court of Justice, the ccj. Arguing that British judges provide a level of neutrality, elite legal expertise and insulation from local political bias that regional alternatives cannot match.
And he ain't British and he ain't good enough.
What would the courtroom pageantry. Bohemian judges and lawyers still wear traditional British wigs and robes during court proceedings. The annual opening of the legal year is a grand procession featuring these garments symbolizing a strict adherence to English common law traditions.
You ought to just chill with Pharaoh.
Pharaoh got a system. You can chill with Pharaoh.
Of course we know in politics. Despite being an independent nation since 1973, the structure of Bahamian politics is modeled entirely on the British system, the Westminster system. The Bahamas operates on the Westminster style parliamentary democracy. The political landscape is dominated by two major parties competing for a majority in the House of Assembly, complete with Prime Minister, a loyal opposition, a Speaker of the House who enforces British parliamentary rules of order.
That's why the mace was thrown out of the House again recently.
We have a Governor General. The King remains the official head of state.
So they ask the politicians. They spend months asking us to vote for them.
Come around to your house, pave your road, fix your roof.
You vote for them. And what they do? They swear to the king, his heirs and his successors. They'll swear to you.
The King remains the official head of state, represented locally by a Governor General. The office retains traditional British vice regal protocols and major state functions are executed in the name of the King.
The last time one of the royals visited here. And isn't that something we call them royalty.
They, they, they, they literally mimicking us.
We'll get to that, huh?
Many things executed in the name of the King, which many citizens view as a vital anchor of constitutional stability. We cannot see our surviving without moving away from faro.
You can't see it.
The Bahamian education system is explicitly built upon British standards of academic rigor, discipline and structure.
High school metrics are heavily tied to BGCSE or Bahamas General Certificate of Secondary Education, which was directly modeled after The British GCSE system.
Historically elite students vied for Cambridge and London GCE certificates. And top scholars still fiercely compete for prestigious British Commonwealth scholarships if they can get them.
The school culture. The vast majority of Bahamian schools enforce strict British style uniform policies, house systems, prefect structures and emphasis on mourning, devotions and assemblies which are viewed as essential for instilling colonial era values, discipline and decorum. Just had a big discussion about how to keep their hair. They wanted. They want the boys to wear a Caesar.
Wear a Caesar. Now I understand it should be clean and I understand where hygiene comes in. We talked about this around that time.
But my lord, we can't figure out what hairstyles meant. To us, a hairstyle is a covenant.
Then there's the area of war and security. The national security forces heavily mirror British military traditions, aesthetics and structural organization. We call them royal.
The Royal Bahamas Police Force and the Royal Bahamas Defense Force. They both retain the prefix royal.
I saying they're royal. You know, I questioning why they saying they royal. They are royal.
Yes, lord, they royal. But in a. Because the British.
The police force is famous for its iconic white pith helmets, the tunics and the British military marching bands.
The. The ceremonial changing of the guard at Government House in Nassau is performed with precise British military drill, commands and pageantry. Serving as a point of pride for older generations and a major draw for tourism. Eh, gotta do it for the tourists.
The economic architecture of the Bahamas relies on institutional frameworks originally designed to align with British and global capital systems. The Bahamas established itself as a premier offshore financial center utilizing English common law and strict trust laws.
The deference to British legal protections is a major selling point used to assure wealthy international investors that their capital is protected by a predictable Anglo centric legal framework. The Privy Council is our final say.
Hmm.
What about land? The country still uses the British system of quieting titles and common law property deeds, which despite causing modern local disputes, reflects a historical reliance on a colonial property management structure. They taking people properties now.
You gotta pay this, this tax. He didn't finish paying for your house. But we still. Obviously we still own the line.
What about our labor structure?
The structure of civil service and labor relations reflects the traditional British bureaucratic model. The public sector is organized around a highly formalized British bureaucratic hierarchy featuring permanent secretaries, directors, rigid protocol designs to separate the administrative execution of government from political parties. That's what I say.
What about unions? The framework for collective bargaining and labor unions is rooted in the historical British trade union model, emphasizing formalized legal agreements, tribunals and Structural negotiations with the state.
What about the family?
The traditional conservative British colonial laws and the Victorian social attitudes continue to heavily influence modern Bahamian legislation and social norms.
Y' all know who Victoria was.
The Bahamas still retains elements of the English colonial penal code, notably in its legal definition surrounding sexuality and domestic relations. For example, marital rape exemptions and the historical of buggery both stem directly from laws imported during the British colonial era.
Efforts to reform these laws or alter constitutional language regarding gender equality have faced strong, strong pushback from conservative factions.
Modifying these foundational legal definitions disrupt the traditional order established under British Christian heritage. We love Pharaoh.
We love Faro.
Now, while the American media dominates the modern airwave, the British cultural touchstones retain a prestigious niche in Bahamian social life. So the high culture ideal. The traditional social elite circles still place high value on British concepts of high culture, such as formal afternoon teas and classical music recitals and prestigious gala dinners. And governed by the strict British etiquette.
Standard English. We have a big discussion now. Children can't speak English. What are you gonna do?
Be panicking. What are you gonna do? Someone gotta teach each year in English.
Standard English spoken with British inflections and spelling. See color must have a U.
Theater re program. Two M's remains the mandatory standard for formal broadcasting, national addresses and high end theater production, separating proper public entertainment from everyday Bahamian dialect.
So the question then is the colonial nostalgia claims that the economy is stronger and stronger and the currency was stable under the British. Some argue that under the British, French or the Dutch rule, the local economy was backed by imperial wealth, trade routes and stable management.
The historical and the modern reality, however, is that the wealth generated by sugar, tobacco and coffee was entirely siphoned directly to Europe.
The region was intentionally left with dependent economies. As we started to show, we had to start from scratch. You were left with dependent economies. We didn't receive no reparations. The people who was actually enslaving us, they received reparations and they were able to cushion themselves into an economy that they still rule today.
The region was intentionally left with dependent economies tailored to benefit exploiters. It lacked domestic infrastructure, creating a direct pipeline to modern economic vulnerability.
They say that there was better law, order and safety.
Look at the murder rate. Colonel Uncle. Amidst high modern homicide and gang race, some elderly citizens romanticize. And it ain't just the elderly.
The colonial era as a simpler time when laws was strictly enforced.
Here's the historical and modern reality.
Authoritarian oppression. Colonial order was maintained through violent state surveillance, systemic racism and the brutal suppression of Human rights historians like Sonja Stanley Neah emphasized that many archaic colonial laws, such as vagrancy, were actually designed to restrict and punish poor black populations, creating long term structural inequality. You also have Sir Hilary Beckles who has a book out How Europe Underdeveloped the Caribbean.
The nostalgia says that infrastructure and institutions work perfectly.
Proponents point to colonial railways, grand administrative architecture, civil service prestige. But there were severe social deficits as highlighted by Caribbean leaders like Prime Minister Ralph Gonzalez.
British colonial rule left deep developmental deficits.
The vast majority of population was kept poor, malnourished and illiterate, with virtually zero access to secondary or higher education. He was leaving school at 14.
They say life was simpler, safer and more community driven.
Social media discussions frequently long for the days of the mid 20th century under colonial or early post colonial transitions.
But what we're forgetting is the suppressed trauma.
Social researchers point out that the apparent stability of the late colonial era masked deep trauma, forced cultural assimilation, strict racial stratification and mass.
And this is where you had the Windrush generation.
A lot of Jamaicans went over into London forced by a lack of local opportunities.
So this sentiment that things were quote unquote better back then is really an endorsement of foreign subjugation. It's a coping mechanism. This is the same psychology that those who were running from Pharaoh had. We still have it, huh?
It acts as a coping mechanism in protests and a protest against modern governance failures. As, as regional scholars point out, the average Caribbean citizen today is objectively more educated, healthier, has exponentially greater self determination than anyone living under the rigid color class hierarchies of imperial rule. But I ask you, are we more educated to rule ourselves or are we more educated to help other people get richer? Are we healthier to make the Bahamas better for Bahamians or are we healthier so we don't miss days at work working for other people?
Do we have exponentially greater self determination when it comes to fighting for the economic stability that we should have been fighting for after we gained some political stability?
We should have now been fighting for the economic stability or sovereignty.
Or are we just simply holding on, holding on? I just. We can just wait for Jesus.
And that's another colonial construct that we have to discuss.
Because at the end of the day, nobody who isn't here already, nobody who isn't already here is coming.
Y' all might not like how that sounds, but at the end of the day, we have this nostalgia that is not allowing for us to grow.
We're not allowing the wilderness experience to form within US a responsible nation that can truly govern itself.
Some say the Bahamian dollar and the economy were more stable.
Critics of modern inflation look back at the introduction of the modern bohemian dollar and its peg to the US dollar as a time of supreme economic trust.
But prior to the majority rule movement of 1967 and subsequent independence. Economic power. Economic power was concent exclusively within a white merchant oligarchy. The vast majority of Afro Bahamians were systemically locked out of commercial wealth, banking access and land ownership.
One thing we've done now is we've created our little cliques.
They say Nassau was safely and strictly managed amidst contemporary concerns over gang violence and homicide rates in New Providence. Some claim that British governance maintain absolute law and order.
But that apparent piece of the colonial era was actually maintained through racial suppression and strict social policing. In fact, tensions frequently boiled over. Most notably during the 1942 Burma Road Riots where Bahamian workers revolted over racial wage disparities and poor working conditions. Under British administration.
The public utilities and infrastructure it worked better is what people will say. Frustrations over modern infrastructure downfalls occasionally lead to the belief that the British built a flawless foundation.
But there was deliberate neglect of the family islands. British colonial policy toward the Bahamas was largely characterized by hands off neglect.
While downtown Nassau was polished for early wealthy tourists. The family islands, the out islands were completely starved of basic infrastructure lacking proper schools, electricity, paved roads and health care facilities. Some of them just now getting some things where they should add from long time.
Just now in 2026 they weren't really appointing.
We look at the education system fondly on the strictness of British colonial schooling systems of Cambridge like we talked about earlier. But under colonial rule secondary education was a luxury reserved primarily for the elite. Independent universal public education. The founding of the University of the Bahama actually was cop before that and the rise of a robust black middle class that previously had zero upward mobility in the civil service.
But one thing that middle class unfortunately taken with them to the top is their soul. In many instances regaining the world. We losing our soul.
We come back after the break. The numbers, 323-623-2325-431632-54259. The family violence, 2423-00-5720, of course the text line is open. 422-4796, my name is Kahun Ankara. Sarah this is unplugged. Keep it locked.
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And we're back. Unplugged is here at just about a minute after the 6 o' clock hour and we're talking about colonial nostalgia. You know, this, this, this reality of where we're at as a people after 53 years and are we, are we truly, you know, are we really interested in being us or we just want to Heimbach and Gibbet Farrow. Let's go to the phone lines here on Unplugged. Callie Unplugged yes.
[00:56:19] Speaker C: Good afternoon, Dr. Penis. Hope you're doing well today, sir.
[00:56:21] Speaker A: Hey, good afternoon, my brother. Thanks for calling. Yes, indeed. Are you doing well?
[00:56:24] Speaker C: Yeah, man.
Just before I get in, I feel as if. What happened to it? Is that the oppressor, or should I say our adversary, has become the deity? You know what I mean?
[00:56:35] Speaker A: Yes.
[00:56:36] Speaker C: Has become our lifeline. So now our lives are on the line, you know? Yeah, yeah, but, and I want to ask you something else before, because I heard.
Do you feel as if that there are some of the individuals who took over after independence. Right. And who govern this country that have been sponsored and financed and educated by the oppressor?
[00:57:04] Speaker A: Definitely. Definitely. You couldn't get into that, into that sphere without going to particular schools or having a certain level of education. And only way they would endorse that education is if you had a proper education, which is one given by the adversary.
[00:57:23] Speaker C: No, no, no, I don't mean just going to the schools. I'm talking about, like, instead of your mommy and your daddy paying for you.
[00:57:31] Speaker A: You mean scholarships or people who, I
[00:57:33] Speaker C: mean, like, okay, like, say, just let's say I was a Bay street boy.
[00:57:37] Speaker A: Mm.
[00:57:38] Speaker C: Right. And I pick some, some little black boys from the Bahamas who I, who I want take over and rule, you see?
You understand? So I educate them, you know, I get them to be in there to me and stuff like that, and then they just take over and they just do what I say.
[00:57:54] Speaker A: Well, you know, I don't have any evidence of that, but I, I don't think it's far fetched to think that.
[00:58:00] Speaker C: Yeah, I mean, I don't have any, but forget, but because I mean, like how he was talking about how we just continue the system and different things like that too. You know what I mean?
Yeah, but when you were talking about the wilderness.
[00:58:13] Speaker A: Yeah.
[00:58:15] Speaker C: And you said that we are in the wilderness right now.
I, I, I, I, I don't see it.
[00:58:21] Speaker A: Well, let me explain, Let me explain what I mean first.
[00:58:23] Speaker C: I feel as if we are more still in Egypt.
[00:58:26] Speaker A: Well, okay, let me explain what I. Why saying we're still, we're in the wilderness. The wilderness is that space between Egypt and full emancipation.
And so that is what I mean when I say the wilderness. I am saying, as we're taught in the holy Coptic Church, that this wilderness is this space between where we want to be and where we say we don't want to be.
Okay, you see?
[00:58:55] Speaker C: I mean, I can, yeah, but, but, but, but, but, but when it comes to say, because I had Oxy, Dr. Miles Monroe, brilliant man.
[00:59:03] Speaker A: Yes, indeed.
[00:59:03] Speaker C: About the discussion before, at one time a few years ago, about the wilderness. You know what I mean? Because see, when you look at the wilderness experience, I mean, according to the Bible, right, it was a period of time where the man of God was in charge of the people. That's not the case here.
Right? And he was. And not only was he in charge, but he was actually trying to purge from them the ways of the oppressor, the people. You understand? It's a difference. It's completely different. We have yet to go into the building, but they have yet to step into a period like, I mean, I'm talking about comparison to the wilderness experience.
[00:59:39] Speaker A: But keep in mind, now they, they also questioned the man of God. They also said, you should, you shouldn't bring us out here.
[00:59:46] Speaker C: Yeah, I understand all that, but what I'm trying to say is that. And see, there was also a clear, right, There was also a clear thing to say, okay, Moses is like, okay, you know, these stiff neck at all. The stiff neck, old generation who came out, don't want change, all I gotta do is chill and wait. And the younger ones who didn't experience it will not be like them.
But see, you can't say that here.
You understand? You see, there's not a process.
[01:00:13] Speaker A: But that's exactly what the show is about, colonial nostalgia. Because we, we keep baking it, we keep baking it into the next generation thinking that we're going to be better by integrating more into it.
[01:00:25] Speaker C: Okay, what I'm saying is that with the wilderness experience, I mean, I see you said that your organization sees the wilderness as like a space between where you are and where you want to be. That's what you said. Right, but what I'm saying though is that according to the Bible, with the wilderness experience with Moses, right, they were actually out Egypt. They were actually from underneath the bonds, the bondage of Pharaoh. And they were in the wilderness in a process where they were trying to purge from them the ways of the, of Pharaoh and trying to get into them the ways of their forefathers.
[01:01:03] Speaker A: No, no, no, Scripturally, Scripturally, they still wanted to have the same food and they wanted to have the same. The chains that were on them. So, so, so let me be clear. Let me be clear. The wilderness experience was supposed to extract the Egypt out of them, but it didn't.
And it's the same thing here. No, no, no, but it was supposed, it was supposed to cause them to want to do for themselves, but they still wanted to look back and think about at least, even though he wasn't happy, at least we knew what to expect.
[01:01:36] Speaker C: Yeah, but see, you just really saying how the system that we have in place today currently, that we are perpetuating.
Right. Is from the aggressor.
[01:01:47] Speaker A: Right. But we're running it.
[01:01:48] Speaker C: Yeah, yeah, yeah. What I'm saying that there's no. There's no awareness, no consciousness being spread to purge. That you understand. There's no such. If these older people don't listen, the younger generation coming up behind and could be like, Joshua, there's nothing like that. We are. We are completely.
Because I can remember reading whether it's that in the last days, it will be even be worse and even be more difficult than the days of Moses. Like for the man who come. Because back then, Moses could have go to his people in the story and hey, you know, Pharaoh is a slave master. And you know, we, you know, let's go. They'd be like, okay, I could see the slave. I acknowledge that. But now today, you go to Europe, you go to these people and talk about slavery. They suck their teeth and walk off.
[01:02:28] Speaker A: The people during this story that we're telling in Exodus and even in numbers wanted to go back to Egypt.
They didn't just want to follow Moses. That's not how the story goes.
They wanted to. They trauma bonded numbers 14 and 1. Right. They trauma bonded with each other. They remembered what they went through. They actually wanted to go back to the familiar, the familiarity of that old system. They wanted this.
[01:03:02] Speaker C: Let me. Okay, let me see if I could put it like that. Let me say. But suppose. Suppose there were these group of these people, and they were being held hostage by someone.
[01:03:12] Speaker A: Mm.
[01:03:12] Speaker C: Right. And they were living there, but they were being held hostage. I mean, but even though they were being held hostage, they had a Stockholm syndrome, whereas they didn't really feel a hostage thing anymore. Anyhow, someone come and pull them out of this. This compound.
Right, right. And take them away from the pound and take them to a different place to try to see if they could get them to change the way they used to think.
Purge out of them what they learned in the compound, you understand? See, that's the villains experience. The willingness experience is Moses took them out of Egypt into the wilderness to try to see if he could purge out of them the ways of the oppressor and put into the ways of them their forefathers. But in our case, we still in the compound.
[01:03:55] Speaker A: Right, but, but, but the point I'm making is before we gain independence, if you know the story of what over the hill was and the fact that we as black bohemians, we couldn't go to the other side of the hill, we couldn't go in the hotels, we couldn't have our political rallies in the hotels, et cetera, before independence.
And once we gained independence and we gained access to, to those hotels and we gain access to the other side of the hill, we abandoned over the hill.
We wanted to be under the reign of Pharaoh. We wanted the white man Isis colder. So we going over there to, to have his ice.
We, we going to make sure we have our convention in the hotel now. We ain't going to the Cat and Fiddle no more.
The people who actually helped us to build the political parties, to get the power to get the majority rule, to get the independence, we turn our backs on them. It wasn't that the people wasn't here. It wasn't that the people who could build the country that allow for us to have the economy that we need.
[01:05:05] Speaker B: Wow.
[01:05:07] Speaker A: Okay. It wasn't that those people were, you know, weren't there. Is that. We turned our box on them.
We turned our box on them.
All right, BPL doing his thing. So I think that call, I don't know if he's still there.
Yeah, I think we may have lost the caller.
He may have lost the call of the current is dip. Right. But let's jump into numbers 14 and 1.
Let's jump into numbers 14 and 1 to understand further the point that's being made here.
Okay. Because it's bigger than just what's happening from 1973. We're talking about something that happened.
We're talking about something that happened biblically that continues to happen in this dispensation.
[01:06:01] Speaker C: Right.
[01:06:03] Speaker A: And so in numbers 14, we're going to look at the book of Shemut, the African book. Excuse me.
We're going to look at the African book of Numbers, Bamidbar.
[01:06:22] Speaker C: Right.
[01:06:22] Speaker A: To appreciate what was being said. And then we look at King James Version.
But the entire melanated congregation lifted up its voice and fear willed the atmosphere. So they're still controlling us by fear today.
It is a fear induced programming that controls us.
The whole mixed Melanated congregation raised its voice together and the people wept. Throughout the shadow hour, a fearful report had passed beyond the individuals who first spoke it and had entered the emotional reservoir of the entire community.
What began as information concerning a difficult situation became collective panic. Until the people shared consciousness was governed more by what they feared than by what they remembered. So this idea we've lost Memory, we don't remember who we are.
And by not knowing or remembering who we are, we rebel against the very systems that would allow for us to rule ourselves. So Numbers, chapter 14, verse 1 in the King James Version it says, and all the congregation lifted up their voice and cried. And the people wept that night. So the people, they're rebelling. And all the children of Israel murmured against Moses. So this, this was happening in this country.
Anybody who, who's going to Marcus Garvey. We didn't want Marcus Garvey, right? So Serrano folks, we, we, we f. We, we don't hear about fox the way,
[01:07:56] Speaker C: right?
[01:07:56] Speaker A: All the children of Israel murmured against Moses and against Aaron. And the whole congregation said unto them, would God that we had died in the land of Egypt or would God we had died in the wilderness, right?
So this reality of what is taking place, when we look at it from an African centered perspective in the book of Bemidbar, the book of numbers, in the 14th scroll, the first few verses of this. So this is related to Numbers 14 and 1. Numbers 14 and 1 is more than one verse in the original books of the Bible.
But there was a collective panic. This same collective panic is what rules us today, right? Until the people's shared consciousness was governed more by what they feared than by what they remember. Do we remember?
Do we remember?
Most of us don't even know we're destroyed. For what? A lack of knowledge? Hosea 4 6.
We don't remember.
Moving further down into this particular chapter, the 46th verse, it says, this is not merely fair, it is trauma, bonded nostalgia, right? We could talk about how it used to be and how bad things were and. But that happened to you. It happened to me too.
[01:09:30] Speaker B: But.
[01:09:31] Speaker A: Yeah, but. Or we talk about how we was strung out on drugs together, or we talk about how he was in jail together, or we talk about how we lost our jobs together, or how a racist the society was together. That's called a trauma. Bonded nostalgia, where people on, on down through the end of ages selectively remember Egypt and slavery on down through the end of the ages.
So fair edits the archive whenever people are operating out of fear. We don't remember. We don't even learn properly, much less remember. They remember predictability, they remember food, they remember routine, right? They remember known structures and the familiarity of the old system.
But that same fearful consciousness minimizes forced labor, debauchery, degradation, loss of autonomy, and the cries that originally accompanied bondage. We forget the bondage, right? And this is something that we've been taught by our revolution, Dr. AJ Vamo, who's working tediously to put these scriptures in our hands so that we can share them with you, so that we can remember.
You understand?
The archive is the DNA.
The book of life is the actual. The DNA, the rna, the chromosomes.
[01:10:57] Speaker C: Right?
[01:10:57] Speaker A: We read in the Bible and we have this spooky thought of some book somewhere. No? This is the DNA, the rna, the chromosomes.
But fear can edit that archive. Fear can replace the reality with myth.
So now we are accessing distortion, you understand?
We're accessing distortion when we try to bring this level of information.
It's difficult at times because people first of all aren't patient enough to just. Just do a little research.
I don't want you just to agree with us.
Do a little research. That's what it means to unplug.
Unplug long enough to go and do some research so that you can come with an intelligent question and not bring your emotions to the table.
So when you don't do that. Oh. Therefore, if oppression is remembered as it's going back into the book of Bamidbar, the Book of Numbers, from an African perspective, if oppression is remembered as stability, the people may willingly reconstruct oppression. This is what we do in our country. Oppression. We ain't removing Queen Victoria, we ain't removing Woods Rogers, they say Michael Archangel, he moved. Columbus, he gone in there knocking down NASA tombstone, thankfully.
But we can. We are reconstructing the oppression. This ancestral memory must preserve not only glory, but also suffering and consequence.
We can't forget what happened to us.
You understand?
We have to remember as Nazarites.
All Nazarites must remember why separation occurred. If you don't remember why majority rule was important. If you don't remember why independence was important.
Otherwise the old appetite for the delicacies of the harlot begins speaking seductively. Was it really so bad?
Why not go back?
Let's go back to the phone lines here and unplug call you live.
[01:13:15] Speaker C: Nope.
[01:13:15] Speaker A: How you doing?
[01:13:17] Speaker C: Yeah, I want to ask two questions.
[01:13:19] Speaker A: Sure.
[01:13:29] Speaker C: You know Glaston Road, right?
[01:13:31] Speaker A: Yeah.
[01:13:32] Speaker C: You know where Dunkin Donuts is? On Glassman, off Duncan. Duncan Donuts.
[01:13:35] Speaker A: It's Munnings Road. Yeah.
[01:13:36] Speaker C: Yeah, I noticed they have a data center. How the hell you got data center? And the people in Popular?
[01:13:49] Speaker A: Well, that's another show. But. But I'll just say this to you so you. So you have an understanding of what takes place in this country. There's certain information that never supposed to leave the country. When you send an email or when you send things out, it's supposed to stay in the country. So you need data centers to keep information from going to service outside of the country. You gotta protect the data.
But that's another show. Anything else?
[01:14:15] Speaker C: Another thing.
What was your topic today?
[01:14:19] Speaker A: Colonial nostalgia. How we love, love, love being British.
How we love, love, love keeping the old systems in place instead of doing for ourselves.
[01:14:31] Speaker C: I can say one thing.
[01:14:32] Speaker A: Sure.
[01:14:35] Speaker C: We love the best thing. Background I thought is what would of course, in Britain and we have that scene law with British.
[01:14:46] Speaker A: The common law.
They have a common law.
[01:14:50] Speaker B: We.
[01:14:50] Speaker A: We follow the common law. The British common law.
[01:14:54] Speaker C: And some of these politicians must resign for what they do, what they're doing.
[01:14:58] Speaker A: Us pick and choose. We cherry pick after you win, after you lose a by election or, you know, they have different rules in the Westminster system. But yeah, that's what it is. Yeah, yeah.
[01:15:11] Speaker C: Because I know investment system in Britain. I know if they get catch.
I can't say it because I want.
[01:15:21] Speaker A: No, you ain't gotta go. You ain't got to be specific. But if they do something untoward, then there's supposed to be repercussions. That's what you're saying.
[01:15:28] Speaker C: Some of them are supposed to be resigned, some of them supposed to need to resign. I don't think they have any shame.
Well,
[01:15:36] Speaker A: I dare say if you listen when you go back and I send the show out after it's done. But the show spoke to that. The show spoke to the fact that we're not really trying to build a society for us. We're trying to mimic old institutions and that's what's causing us to stay in this rut. So, you know, the politicians are just a symptom. They're not the problem. They are symptom of the problem because
[01:16:02] Speaker C: it seemed like they ain't running the country good. It's like everything going down.
[01:16:08] Speaker A: Believing him lost his way after a while.
[01:16:13] Speaker C: Yeah.
[01:16:13] Speaker A: But thank you so much for calling Unplugged. Appreciate you listening. Yes, indeed.
And so as we wrap up today and as we.
I've kind of set the table for more discussion on this. I wanted to have this discussion because, you know, in another few weeks we're going to be in royal hysteria.
And I want us to just think about what it is we. What, what are we doing?
You know, do we want to remember? Do we want to actually understand our greatness?
Because if you consistently read a translation of scripture that's been given to you by the adversary, the oppressor even.
[01:17:06] Speaker C: Right.
[01:17:07] Speaker A: Would you Ever really get on the right to salvation?
Let me explain what I mean. The Book of Numbers, chapter six. It talks about Nazarites. See, the Messiah was a Nazarite. So we.
We like to call ourselves a Christian nation, but we should be a Nazarite nation.
Because if you're trying to be like the Messiah, you should be living like the Messiah.
The Nazarites must remember why separation occurred.
Otherwise the old appetite for the delicacies of the harlot begin. Speaking seductively.
Was it really that bad?
Why not go back?
Consecration therefore requires memory.
Remember the reason for the vow when the old condition begins appearing attractive.
Do we remember?
My grandfather wrote in his book that the church rolled on that emancipation was an opportunity for us to continue fighting.
We got the political control, but we were supposed to fight for the economic control. Did we continue fighting or did we just rest on our laurels? I dare say it's the latter.
Post oppression communities can sometimes romanticize the previous order when freedom does not immediately produce prosperity. This is key.
This is something we just discussed in our.
In our Sunday scriptural service.
And I'm sharing with you out of the book of Bamidbar, right? The African Book of Numbers.
Post oppression communities can sometimes romanticize the previous order when freedom does not emerge immediately produce prosperity.
We want things that a country that had us colonized for 325 years, we want to see those things manifest in less than 53 years.
And we want to talk down to each other because we are not like countries that are 250 plus years old.
That is colonial nostalgia.
Instead, this must be handled carefully. Historical systems should be evaluated honestly. This is what we're doing today. We evaluating historical. The historical systems that we are still subjected to must be evaluated honestly.
You understand?
Want to go into one more verse before we get out of here?
In numbers 14 and 2.
Right.
And all the children of Israel murmured against Moses and against Aaron. This is what I was saying to the caller previously.
No, we the people are not listening to the reason the same way they wasn't listening to reason in the wilderness.
And all the children of Israel murmured against Moses and against Aaron. And the whole congregation said unto them, would God that we had died in the land of Egypt or would God that we had died in the wilderness.
So. So we ain't trying to build nothing for ourselves. We just.
We just hungry to be like something that we haven't worked for.
The words would that would. The words would that we had died in Egypt represents Isfut's warning concerning when bondage becomes nostalgia for a people, causing them to seek and embrace sleep, slavery, and false safety of being under the control of another. ISFR is the warning sign. We talk about Ma'.
[01:21:00] Speaker C: At.
[01:21:02] Speaker A: Ma' at works along with isfut. ISFR is not on the scale of Ma', at, but it works along. It's a warning sign. It's like the oil light in your car, like the gas light in your car. It's a warning sign.
Are we seeing the warning or are we just dramatically bonded?
The colonial nostalgia is what we ultimately are focused on in our churches and in our schools and in our government, in our social mores.
And then we're trying to figure out why the country doesn't seem to be getting better. It just seems to be getting worse. Because the result of you, me, us, we ignoring our contract covenant, it means that we now live under the rule of who? The God of this world? The God of this world is Second Corinthians, chapter four, verse four.
And so, my brothers and sisters, we as a people have an opportunity to realistically look at what's taking place, ask the important questions. This is not an easy conversation to have, especially when people just want to run back to Pharaoh, run back to the comforts of slavery, run back to the comforts of colonialism.
We live in a day and time now where we must understand consecration.
Consecration requires memory. Remember the reason for the vow when the old condition begins appearing attractive.
The vow of separation.
Are we even there? Do we even want to separate?
Do we want to be like the Messiah? Or we just want the Messiah to save us? Why would he save us? And we don't even want to be like him.
[01:23:02] Speaker B: Why?
[01:23:04] Speaker A: That is the question.
If we are taking ourselves serious, if we are saying we are a Christian nation, if we are saying that what we want is what the Messiah wants, what the most high wants, then we should be replicating what the Messiah ultimately lived when walking on this earth.
And so colonial nostalgia is something that I know we have to deal with more. But I appreciate the phone calls, the text, I appreciate our sponsors.
I want to give thanks to Bahamas Wellness Institute. Want to give thanks to new life over there in Old Ford Bay.
Want to give thanks to brother J Fit, who is bringing forth another cohort of waited for greatness and banded for success.
So we pray that everybody takes advantage of that. For those of you who will. But thank you all for joining Unplugged. We'll see you next week. The Master Family Bottom.
